Sir H.S. Parkes to Earl Granville.―(Received June 19)

(No. 65 Confidential)
Tôkiô, April 28, 1883

My Lord,

WITH reference to my despatch No. 59 of the 21st instant, reporting the purport of two telegrams which I had received from Mr. Aston―one dated Söul, the 11th instant, and the other, Simonoseki, the 20th instant―and observing that I expected Mr. Aston would shortly arrive in Tôkiô, I have now the honour to add that Mr. Aston reported himself to me on the morning of the 26th instant. He had been conveyed in Her Majesty’s Ship “Daring” to Simonoseki, and had come on by the more expeditious opportunity of the Japanese mail-steamer which he happened to meet at that place.
Mr. Aston has handed to me a Confidential Memorandum embodying the political information he obtained at Söul on various subjects, and a despatch written after he had left Corea, in which he reports an interview with M. von Möllendorff, the Foreign Adviser of the Corean Government, and his latest communications with Kim Ok Kiun, whose views are not wholly in accord with those of the former gentleman.
I shall beg to submit some observations on these papers in a succeeding despatch.

I have, &c.
(Signed) HARRY S. PARKES

Inclosure 1

Memorandum

(Confidential)
AS to the constitution and organization of the Corean Government, I can add but little to what is already known. The impression I derived from this visit is that the whole machinery of the Government is in an extremely disorganized condition. The court-yards of the various public offices are overgrown with weeds, the buildings in a dilapidated state, and presenting a deserted appearance. The foreign Office is the only place where there is any appearance of activity, and the arrangements here were still very imperfect, as was shown by the repairs and alterations still going on, and the fact that the interviews held there seemed practically open to the public. I was told by the Japanese Minister that the other offices were rarely visited by the officials. Coreans who have once held office retain the title for the rest of their lives. These titles are much coveted, and pressure is always being brought on the occupant of an office to vacate it, so as to allow another person to acquire the title. The consequence is that all the high officials are changed every few months, and no one of any experience in business is to be found in any high position, the work of the office being carried on by third-rate officials. Another evil, Mr. Takezoye informed me, was the want of control of the Treasury over the expenditure; every Department grasping as much as it could get without any regard for the requirements of the other Departments. The revenue is small, but the nominal amount is far from representing the cost of government to the people. In addition to a regular system of so-called presents to officials, from which it is impossible to escape, there are the bribes to land-tax officers to assess the dues payable in kind at a low figure, and, worst of all, the system of forced labour, which works as badly here as it has been found to do in other countries. Several instances of the dislike of the peasants to this burden came under my notice during my stay here.
The police arrangements of the town of Söul are extremely imperfect. There is a police force of seventy-two men, I was told, in charge of the city at night, but robbery is very frequent. The streets are not lighted, and sanitary arrangements are almost non-existent. I was assured on all sides that the temper of the people as regards foreigners had undergone a considerable change owing to recent events, and that the city was now quite safe. That it is so at the present moment I have no reason to doubt; but in the presence of any popular movement I fear the Government would be powerless. The only force at their disposal (leaving the Chinese out of the question) is the King’s body-guard of 1,000 men, partially armed with rifles, and not long enough under discipline to be relied on. Mr. Kim Ok Kiun is very positive that no popular movement fraught with danger to foreigners is any longer possible; but I confess I was not convinced by the reasons which he gave for this opinion. It is no doubt true, as he says, that the Coreans are a quiet, peaceable race, but in view of what was last year effected by designing agitators, it is impossible to feel assured that something of the same kind may not happen again.
I learnt little of the state of parties in Corea at present, but I conclude, from the recent appointment of Mr. Kim Ok Kiun to a Secretaryship in the Foreign Office, that the party which he represents has lost none of its influence.
China, according to Mr. Takazoye, has not of late shown any disposition to interfere in Corean matters, except by advice privately given. I was told that Ma Kie Tchang was not the nominee of Li Hung Chang, but had merely his permission to accept the office which he holds in the Corean Government. It is probably by his advice that the King’s guards, a fine-looking lot of fellow, wear a semi-Chinese uniform and practise with Lefaucheux muzzle-loading rifles manufactured at Nankin, a semi-Chinese drill in which English words of command sound strangely incongruous. Mr. Ma told me that another step taken by his advice was the adoption of the French system of weights and measures, but I could not see any signs of this having passed into general use. I had noticed some boxes suspended in the front of the houses in several parts of the city, and supposed at first that they were to serve the purpose of letter-boxes, but I afterwards found that they had been hung up at Mr. Ma’s suggestion, in accordance with Chinese custom, so that any stray pieces of printed paper which might be dropped in the streets might be placed in these receptacles and preserved from pollution until they could be burnt. Mr. Kim Ok Kiun told me that none of the money of the Chinese loan had been received. He spoke in his usual way about China, saying that the conduct of the Chinese troops created great indignation, and might lead to fighting. They engaged in trade, and insisted on purchasing merchandize at prices fixed by themselves, a statement which I found confirmation of from other sources. I was also told that their demeanour to the Coreans was frequently most offensive, and the Japanese had often had to complain of their men being hustled and insulted in the streets by superior numbers of Chinese. Mr. Asayama, who told me this, added that strict justice was done whenever complaints of this kind were made. I have myself, on two occasions, narrowly escaped being ridden over by Chinese mounted men riding at a gallop through the Corean streets. Mr. Kim Ok Kiun has no patience with Mr. Ma. He says he has no principle, that he consorts with Corean women of the lowest class, that he is feathering his nest at the expense of the Coreans, that the King would be only too glad to get rid of him, as he knows nothing of the business he was expected to do, and his advice is worthless, and that he will be sent off as soon as the Treaties are made.
My relations with Mr. Ma have been most amicable, but we conversed very little on business matters, and then confined ourselves to the question of the site of the Settlement at Chemulpho.
One of the young Chinese lately returned from America has been here for five months for the purpose of establishing a school of English for the Coreans. A building has been set apart, sixty pupils have set down their names, but the classes have not yet begun. He says that M. Möllendorff is organizing a Customs Staff, to consist of six tide-waiters, one clerk, one harbour-master, and one collector, at each of the three ports. The arrangements for the letting of land to foreigners at the ports are in a very backward state. It is hardly too much to say that nothing has been done. M. Möllendorff is spoken highly of by both Coreans and Japanese. I was told that, although he speaks and reads Chinese to some extent, he cannot carry on a conversation in the Chinese character, so that communication with him is difficult. Messrs. Kim Hong-jip and Hong Yöng-sik speak a very little Chinese.
The relations of the Japanese Minister with the Corean Government were, so far as I could judge, friendly. Allowance must be made for the circumstance that I had no opportunities of hearing the view of the anti-Japanese party. The Minister complained to me that their ignorance of foreign matters was great, and that it was no easy task to contend with the inveterate suspicions which they had of the designs of foreign Powers. He has urged them to adopt a 5 per cent. Tariff, but he avoided giving me any assurance that Japan would resist the imposition of a higher rate.

(Signed) W.G. Aston.
Soül, April 11, 1883

Inclosure 2

Mr. Aston to Sir H.S. Parkes.

(Confidential)
Hiôgo, April 23, 1883
Sir,

IN continuation of my despatch dated from Söul on the 10th instant, I have the honour to report that on the following day I received a visit from M. P. G. von Möllendorff, Inspector-General of Corean Customs, and Adviser to the Corean Foreign Department. He had returned from Shanghae on the previous day. M. von Möllendorff wore a Corean head-dress, but the remainder of his costume appeared to me to be more Chinese than Corean. He said he had adopted the Corean costume for the sake of convenience. He also wore Corean dress when he appeared at Court, the reason given by him being that it is almost impossible for any one in European dress to be received there with the formalities due to his rank. The Corean Court-dress is very costly, and M. von Möllendorff informed me that the purchase of a costume being beyond his means, the King had presented him with one.
M. von Möllendorff had come over in one of the China Merchants’ steam-ships, and he brought with him a sum of 200,000 taels lent to Corea by that Company at an interest of 8 per cent. per annum.
He informed me that he had complete control of this money, which it was his intention to devote to three objects, viz., to introduce silk culture into Corea, to establish a fishery at Port Lazareff on improved principles, and to organize a plan for the extension and conservation of the Corean woods and forests.
He had brought over several thousand young mulberry trees, a supply of implements used in the silk industry, and two Chinese to act instructors to the Coreans. He spoke of planting many acres of ground with mulberry trees, and was sanguine of large profits. Merchants at Shanghae had assured him that with the land he proposed to plant he might expect an annual production of 25,000 bales of silk. I may mention that raw silk, as at present prepared in Corea, is unsaleable in the London market.
M. von Möllendorff was strongly opposed to allowing the money to be spent on preparing foreign Settlements, building custom-houses, jetties, &c. He seemed to think they might be allowed to shift for themselves. Two Europeans arrived with him from Shanghae. I heard that one of these men was to organize a Woods and Forests Service.
M. von Möllendorff informed me that the Viceroy, Li Hung Chang, had promised to allow the Corean Government any concessions in commercial matters which they might require in order to place their relations with foreign Powers on a satisfactory footing, reserving, however, all political rights. He said that Mr. Russell Young, the American Minister to Peking, had expressed his “determination to insist” on the maintenance of the high rate of Tariff of the present Treaties, though by what means he proposed to do so was not explained. Japan, M. von Möllendorff added, would be compelled to grant Corea the Tariff she wishes for. The Treaty with that country provided for reciprocity of treatment, and if Japan would not agree to a Tariff, he (M. von Möllendorff) would establish a colony of Corean merchants at Nagasaki, where they would be entitled to import goods free of duty. I pointed out that, as Japan had a 5 per cent. Tariff, this employment of the principle of reciprocity would only enable the Coreans to compel a similar rate. M. von Möllendorff insisted, however, that he had the means of forcing Japan to accept the Corean terms, whatever they might be. He scouted the idea of the Corean Tariff being appealed to as a precedent in future Tariff Regulations between China or Japan and European countries.
He has arranged with Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co. to establish themselves at Inchhön at once, and without waiting for the ratification of the Treaty. He does not believe that the China Merchants’ Steamers can carry on the Corean trade. They do not succeed in China, he said, where they have many privileges.
M. von Möllendorff's friends in the Corean Government are Kim Hong-jip, Hong Yöng-sik, and Min Yong-ik. Kim Ok Kiun he spoke of as a clever but dangerous man.
Mr. Kim Ok kiun called on me late on the same evening. He had come direct from the Palace, which had on that day been a scene of more than usual excitement.
He said his policy had had a great success, and had been adopted by the King. He referred especially to the use to be made of the loan of 200,000 taels, which he informed me it had been resolved to spend on harbours, custom-houses, &c., the object being to provide some security for a foreign loan, which is an essential part of his policy. It is intended, Mr. Kim Ok Kiun says, that this loan shall be of 2,000,000 dollars, and that it shall form the basis of a paper currency, which is much needed in Corea. This, however, I believe to be a secondary object only, the principal one being to provide funds for the reorganization of the army. Mr. Kim Ok Kiun, as you are aware, is the most prominent member of the anti-Chinese party. His policy is to maintain the national independence of Corea, reducing the suzerainty of China to as much of a shadow as possible, and getting rid of all interference by Chinese troops and Chinese officials in the internal administration or foreign relations of Corea.
In order that this policy should be successful, Corea wants a small but well-organized army, clothed, drilled, and armed in European fashion, so as to be able to guarantee internal tranquillity; and for this purpose a foreign loan is necessary, as the Corean finances are at present in a very disorganized state.
Mr. Kim Ok Kiun is of opinion, and my observation leads me to agree with him, that Corea, in her future efforts after progress, will follow in the footsteps of Japan, and adopt Europe as her model, abandoning the guidance of China, under which her condition for several hundred years past has been stationary, or rather, retrograde.
Mr. Kim Ok Kiun drafted the letter written to you in reply to your letter to the Corean Minister for Foreign Affairs. A counter-draft, prepared by Mr. Ma Kie Tchang, was rejected. Mr. Kim’s father has been appointed to an office in the Judicial Department.
I learned afterwards that on the same day his Excellency Pak Yöng-hio[sic], lately Envoy to Japan, had been driven from his office as Governor of the city of Söul by the Chinese party, with Min-thai-ho at their head, the reasons being that he had insisted on the removal of the straw-built booths by which the main thoroughfares of the city were until lately encumbered, and that his action in a dispute between the iron and cotton guilds had been thought injudicious. These straw booths were being re-erected on the day before I left Söul.
I left Söul for Chemulpho on the 12th. Her Majesty’s ship “Daring” was detained there during the 13th by bad weather. Three Japanese vessels arrived on the afternoon of that day with merchants who intend to settle at this port. The cargoes consisted of coal for the Japanese men-of-war stationed here, curios, copper, and Corean rice from Pusan, the latter being, of course, an instance of interport trade in Corean produce.
I left Chemulpho on the morning of the 14th, and reached Pusan on the 17th. The Pusa of Tongnai came to call on me, and in course of conversation reminded me of my remarks last year about the stone pillars denouncing friends to foreigners, which, he said, he had the pleasure of informing me had been removed shortly after my last visit. I arrived at Simonoseki on the 20th, and came on here in the Mitsu Bishi mail-steamer, as I had some apprehensions that the “Daring” might fail to connect with her at Kobé. I propose to leave by the same vessel for Yokohama to-morrow afternoon.
Mr. Bonar I left behind at Simoneseki, where I learnt that he would be able to proceed to Nagasaki by the Koiin Maru of the 22nd instant. I take this opportunity of thanking you most cordially for allowing me the advantage of his assistance and companionship.
My hearty thanks are also due to Lieutenant-Commander Corfe, of Her Majesty’s ship “Moorhen,” and to Commander Eliott, of Her Majesty’s ship “Daring,” for the facilities they on all occasions willingly afforded me. In the case of the “Moorhen” particularly, the service of conveying the two Corean officials, Mr. Bonar, and myself, from Nagasaki to Inchhön, a voyage of five days, involved no little personal discomfort to Lientenant-Commander Corfe and his officers.

I have, &c.
(Signed) W.G. Aston