KOREAN EMBASSY
2322 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE, N.W
WASHINGTON 25, D.C.
TELEPHONE: ARAMS 4-4112
▣...▣ NOTE ▣...▣ DATE
For Release on August 1 th at 12:00 noon
Text of address given by Dr. You Chan Yang, Korean Ambassador to be United States, before the Kiwanis Club in the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D. C. on August 13, 1959
My Dear American Friend,
It has been almost exactly a year to the day since I last had the privilege of meeting with you. I am again extremely delighted to have this opportunity speaking to you, coming as it does at the time, crucial international developments.
Also, I am delighted to have this opportunity because just two days from now we shall be celebrating the 11th anniverversary of the founding of the Republic of Korea.
Some of you might recall that at the time I was last on this platform, and while out attention was focused on the middle East, Mr. Khruschev was slipping into Peiping in an effort to consolidate the position of international communism in the Far East In the wake of his junket to Peiping last year there was noticeable immediately a stepping up of thn communist propaganda barrage including a ph▣▣y communist Chinese claim of withdrawal from the northern part of Korea and a propaganda charge that the United States and the Republic of Korea were prepared then to reopen immediately the Korean War. Both of these preposterous assertions, of course, were exposed as hopeless. Now, almost exactly one year later the attention of the Free World is being focused upon the crisis in Berlin. Once again, according to the latest reports, Mr. Khruschev is planning another trip to Peiping. The news reports indicate that he is planning to visit Communist China on route or before coming to the United States for the "Big Two" meeting with President Eisenhower.
And once again I predict apprehensively that during his trip to Communist China Khruschev may well be planning either the beginning of another propaganda barrage directed against the United States, the Republic of Korea, and the Free World or perhaps even laying plans to launch a long-anticipated attack against us on the occasion of our national anniversary on August 15th. I believe that it is extremely important for the American people to be especially alert during this crucial time and to be most wary of propaganda tricks and secret aggression plans which Mr. Khruechev might well be carrying in a suitcase on his forth-coming trip to this country.
Throughout this past year since you and I have met I find no real signs for any greater hope for a solution to the cold war crisis. This is not because you of the Free World have not tried, but rather because of the intransigence and duplicity of international communism. The real stumbling block to a possible solution to the Cold War lies in the attitude and philosophy of the Communists themselves. I was best expressed in Mr. Khruechev 's recent, grim statement "We will burry you, Until this attitude is changed there is actually no hope for successful negotiations with the Communist bloc. I earnestly hope and pray that Mr. Khruschev visit to this wonderful storehouse of democracy, the United States, and the freedom-loving American people will change his attitude from conquest and enslavement of the peoples of the world and will cause him to respect other-peoples' rights.
Now perhaps we can intelligently decise what is next on the horizon for Korea -Japan relations.
Where we ought to he in Korea -Japan relations is clear. We ought to co-habit our respective areas in North Asia in friendship, with annual trade benefits, and in harmonious alliance against the common Communist enemy of all free peoples. This goal seems to us to be very clear. It is the one we always have sought, and the one we now seek.
I do not, and my Government does not, indict the Japanese people or the Japanese Government. Indictments, charges, and Counter-Charges are not fruitful processes of diplomacy. I have sought to present the aspects of the problem which, in our view, presently impede progress toward a settlement. I do not do this in a spirit of belligerence. The function of diplomacy Is to solve problems, not to aggravate them. Its purpose is to seek solutions that are just and that can be lasting,
The problems troubling the relations of Korea and Japan are real and some of them are very urgent. We Koreans believe in negotiation. We believe these problems are capable of solution. We have urged the Japanese Goverment to drop its unilateral scheme of deporting some thousands of our nations into the com- mnuist northern part of Korea. We invite them to resume the bilateral conference. In view of the thorny problems that have arisen, we indicated that we should be pleased if the United States would to willing to accept an active role as a friendly third party in these discussions.
Two separate question exist, as they always do in the relations of nations. One question relates to the merits of the two sides of the problem. that exists. The other question relates to the method that should be followed in trying to solve the problems Our view as to the merits of the question can hardly be the same as the view of the Japanese. This is to be expected; it does not astonish us, and it ought not to confuse others.
But the remaining question has to be with methed and on this there is far more confusion than ought to exist. When nations find their affairs involved in difficulties, they might seek a solution through war; that has been done a great many times in the past and probably will be in the future. But it surely is not better than a 1st act of desperation when everything else fails. By far the better method the one we are making every offort to achieve is the method of patient and honorable negotiation. I say "Let us try again. And this time let us keep on trying until a solution shall be found,
And a solution must be found, and soon particularly because of the high tensions which have resulted from the Japanese deportation plan. Many of you might not know the full details of this crisis. I should like to assist your arrival at just verdict in regard to this case by citing for you the key aspects of the problem.
The status and future of the Korean residents in Japan had been under discussion during the fourth and last Korea -Japan conference when Japan suddenly announced its deportation plan.
The Deportation Plan affecting Korean residents in Japan was unilaterally announced by Japan on Janmmy 30, 1959, while the recessed 4th Korea -Japan Talks were expected to be resumed momentarily. On April 13, the Japanese opened negotiations with the Communist at Geneva to sell out Korean national into Communist slavery.
Japan attempted to utilize the International Committee of the Red Cross as a cover for their unilateral action but then dropped insistence upon ICRC supervision when the Communists objected.
Some 1,340,000 Korean already have been repatriated to Korea. The 600,000 who remained have been discriminated against by the Japanese Government, which has not compensated them for employment as force laborers during those years before
the end of World War II.
The Government of the Republic of Korea is ready to accept a voluntary mass repatriation, provided Japan pays compensation to those people, the amount to be fixed in bilateral negotiations.
To deport the Korean to Communism would be inhumanitarian and in contravention of the Declaration of Human Rights, because the Communists neither permit nor respect freedom in choice of domicile.
To claim that a large number of Koreans wish to go to the occupied north is communist propaganda. The so-called expressions of intent to leave Japan were obtained by bribes, deciet, and forcible means.
Augmentation of Communist manpower through the deportations would aid and abet Communism in its aggression against the Republic of Korea and the United Nations forces standing guard there.
The Republic of Korea is the only lawful government on the Korean peninsula so recognized by the Free World and Japan itself and its citizens cannot be deported by Japan without its consent.
Because Communion constitutes a slave system, and slavery is prohibited by international law and justice, the deportations would be a transgression against civilized morality and behavior.
I feel sure that you fair-minded leaders of American public opinion, motivated by the spirit of international peace, will quickly recognize the inherent validity in the Korean position on this question. A just solution can and must be found to this vexing problem affecting tens of thousands of these people.
The solution to the other facets of our problems with Japan can also be found. First of all, there is the necessity of liquidating the legacies of the old Japanese aggression in Korea. In order to do that, we must settle, besides the Korean residents question, four additional areas of controversy
(a) We have limited out property claims strictly to legal restitutions such as the return of our national art treasures, payment of committed obligations, and compensation for Korean laborers conscripted during World War II.
When we first advanced these minimum claims, the Japanese responded with the preposterous Claim on practically 85% of all propery in Korea. At that time they knew that Japanese property in Korea had been vested and owned by the United States Military Government in Korea as of August 9, 1945. Indeed, Japan had recognized the validity of that disposition under paragraph 3 of article 4 of the Sall Francisco Peace Treaty. Several of our earlier conferences came as sunder and it required six years for Japan to retract that particular claim.
(b) Our claim to vessels seized illegally in Korean waters and of Korean registry as of August 9, 1945 similarly has been rebuffed by Japan.
(c) The Peace Line issue is more than an involvement in territorial waters Jurisdiction and fisheries disputes. The Korean Peace Line was drawn by the REPUBLIC OF KOREAN Government squarely sown the middle between our two nations.
It was so designed es a boundary as to prevent squables from arising between our nationals. Its advantage was to prevent over-exploitation of certain righ fishery gounds. It also had the advantage of providing a mechanism to prevent Communist infiltration in both Korea. and Japan via the high seas. We sincerely hope that Japan will come to recognize this same and logical preventive boundary.
(d) Finally, me wish to establish the basic relations between our two countries on the basis of equality, mutual respect, and friendship. This can be done by establishing full, formal diplomatic and trade relations.
Secondly, the basic approach to genuine solution lies in the area of the establishment of neighborliness and good friendship. Without such an atmosphere, no formal treaty and not even the settlement of particular issues can ever be successfull. To generate this atmosphere, Japan must prove its sincerity once and for all. We have initiated on four different occasions be-lateral discussions with the Japanese and now we have initiated the fifth round. On two occasions, President Syngman Rnee himself has gone to Japan to express personally the earnestness and sincerity of the Korean people. Frankly speaking, I think it is Japan 's turn now to take the forward step.
Thirdly, a special requirement of any solution is for the unstinted loyalty on the part of Japan to the cause of the Free World. There is no room left in the Far East for equivocating. 'Japan cannot simultaneously ride the tide of morality as evidenced in the Free World and submerge itself in the deluge of immorality regerated by Communism. I feel sure that the "Japanese people wish to protect their high ethical and moral standards and their religious concepts -- which manifestly is impossible under any totalitarian System. particulary the atheism of the Communist State.
I have devoted the major portion of my chat with you to the problem of Korea -Japan relations. This is becuase Japan as well as Korea ought to be the solid keystone of the Free World structure in the Far East. Also, I personally do not feel that there is much hope for successful negotiations with the Communists until they change their attitude, but you can be a tremendous assistance in solving at least one problem in one past of the world should the United States extend and utilize its "good offices" in the forthcoming discussion in Tokyo. We are especially eager to have you. the American people, fully appreciate the merits of our case.
All of the nations in the Far East look up to the American people for wise counsel and guidance. Yours is a tremendous responsibility to help monitor the future pattern of international relations in my part of the world. I feel sure that you will accept that responsibility gladly and by doing so continue to help us, your strongest acid most faithful ally in the Far East.