Mr. Kennedy to Earl Granville.―(Received September 16)

(No. 131 Very Confidential)
Yedo, July 27, 1880

My Lord,

I HAVE the honour to inclose a memorandum, together with copies in translation of three letters, giving much interesting information respecting the past history and present political state of Corea.
These documents have all been furnished to me by Mr. Satow, who informs me that the letters were confidentially communicated to him in Chinese by a native of Corea, and that the information contained in the memorandum was derived from the same person.
Mr. Satow’s informant is an enlightened young Corean, who has managed secretly to leave his country with the object of obtaining general information respecting the outside world for benefit of his own countrymen.
During his stay in this city he has been in constant communication with Mr. Satow, to whom, besides the inclosed papers, he has confided much trustworthy information respecting the hopes and prospects of the liberal party in Corea. He is now about to return home, but promises to keep Her Majesty’s Legation informed of the progress of events in Corea, and to give timely notice of any changes likely to prove favourable to the admission of foreigners.
Your Lordship will observe from a perusal of the inclosed letters that they clearly prove the existence of friendly relations between Corea and China, whilst the presence of the Japanese is submitted to as an unvoidable evil. The Corean ex-Prime Minister alludes to China as the superior or suzerain Power, and asks the advice of Li Hung Chang as to the designs of foreigners. It is also clear that the Coreans thoroughly dislike all foreign Powers with whom they have come in contact, except perhaps Great Britain. This may be accounted for by the fact so pointedly designated by Li Hung Chang, that British communications with Corea have been confined to the transmission of thanks for kindness shown to British shipwrecked crews by the inhabitants of Corea.
The memorandum, as your Lordship will perceive, gives much novel and interesting information respecting the system of government and the internal organization of Corea. It also states names and details respecting the progressive party which exists in Corea, headed by young men of rank who desire to reform the present oppressive system of government, and to develop the resources of the country by the aid of skilled foreigners.
It will not escape your Lordship’s notice that Mr. Satow states, on the authority of his Corean informant, that although the exchange of courtesies between the British and the Corean authorities has undoubtedly had a good effect, yet it is not probable that an Envoy would be received by the present Corean Government unless he were accompanied by a force sufficient to overwhelm resistance.
Mr. Satow has also expressed to me the opinion, in which I quite concur, that any attempt to open communication with Corea by force is to be deprecated on two grounds: first, because it is known that the Coreans have been steadily arming ever since the Japanese forced a Treaty upon them in 1875, and therefore the amount of resistance to be overcome would be far greater than on previous occasions; and secondly, because the experience of the Japanese shows that very little way can be made in Corea by the employment of pressure, and that the chief result of such a policy would be to inspire a feeling of enmity, which might drive Corea into the arms of the very Power from whom all the rest of the world, including China and Japan, is interested saving her.
If the force of the above arguments be admitted, it would appear more politic to await the development of events in Corea which cannot be long delayed.
I have also the honour to inform your Lordship that the above statements have, in the main, been confirmed in conversation both by the Minister and the Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs. Mr. Wooyeno recently informed me that the people as well as the Government of Corea are more opposed than ever to the admission of foreigners, and that the Corean Government has begun to show distrust of the Chinese Government since the recommendation of the latter through Li Hung Chang to open Corea to foreign nations.
Mr. Wooyeno also admitted to me that the Japanese are obliged to go about armed in their newly-opened Treaty Port of Gensan, and to maintain a body of Japanese police for protection against the hostility of the natives.
His Excellency further mentioned a small circumstance which shows the strength of the spirit of exclusiveness evinced by the Coreans, namely, that the newly appointed Corean Envoy to Japan, before signing the contract for the Japanese steamer which was to convey him to his post, insisted on the insertion of a clause forbidding the presence on the steamer of any European of American whatever, even in the capacity of engineer.
As opposed to these evidences of hostility to all foreigners, I have the honour to report that Captain Hood, of her Majesty’s ship “Pegasus,” lately informed me that during his recent visit to Port Lazaraff in Broughton Bay, more than fifty natives came on board to inspect the ship, and that the Coreans always, whether afloat or ashore, displayed most friendly feelings towards Captain Hood and his officers and crew.
Captain Hood further informed me that the Japanese Consul at Gensan (also in Broughton Bay) did not seem pleased to see a British ship-of-war in his district, and that he and the other Japanese authorities appeared disconcerted on hearing of the friendly intercourse between Her Majesty’s ship “Pegasus” and the Coreans.
In concluding this despatch, I beg to suggest that the information contained in it and especially in the inclosures may be considered as confidential, because in the event of publicity it is probable that the safety of the persons mentioned would be compromised, and Her Majesty’s Legation deprived of its present means of information.

I have, &c.
(Signed) J.G. Kennedy

Inclosure 1

Reply of Li Hung Chang to the ex-Prime Minister of Corea.

(Translation)
In the gracious letter, dated the 15th of the 10th moon of the year 1877, which my revered elder brother Küh-Shan, his Excellency the Preceptor, sent by the hands of Prefect Yü, of Yung Ping, he speaks of our brotherhood in terms of exceeding modesty, and his cultured regards for me are most affectionate. I opened the letter, spread out the paper, and read it over repeatedly with pleasure. Then I received sixteen kinds of valuable gifts, more valuable than the finest gems, and beg to return thanks for the presents bestowed on me. Nothing but the want of an opportunity has prevented my replying earlier, so that time has seemed to gallop away, and winter has been succeeded by summer. I trust that your honourable record of services is perpetually increasing, that you are careful of your diet and health, that you govern the black-haired race with success, maintain your boundaries intact, and that you faithfully serve the King in the execution of your lofty policy.
It is now three years or so since Japanese and your honourable country entered into a Treaty of Peace and a commercial port established at Tong-nê, so that the merchants of both nations could mix, and high and low be mutually at peace.
Since the time of hideyoshi that country, presuming on its cunning arts, has been troubled and unquiet. More recently, Saigô Takamori, fond of fighting in a dirty puddle, took up arms and brought about his own destruction; but the Sovereign and his Ministers, observing that their country was small, and its difficulties many, seem to have taken warning by the past, and to be more inclined to keep in their proper place.
Last year, when the Junior Expositor Ho, appointed Chinese Envoy to Japan, proceed[ed] thither, I, being concerned about the relations between your honourable country and Japan, begged him to keep his attention fixed on that subject, and to take every opportunity of obtaining information. I have recently received a letter from him, from which it appears that Japan, feeling that the Russians are deceitful, and unceasingly greedy of fresh territory, is seriously thinking of taking precautions, and feels as frightened as a man who sees a savage tiger by the side of the couch on which he is reposing. Although Japan is not altogether innocent of evil sentiments towards your honourable country, she would like to attach you as the second wheel to her cart, and get you to play lips to her teeth (i,e., Japan feels that the destruction of Corea’s independence would lead to her own downfall, and that Corea acts as a sort of outward buffer to Japan against Russia), but she feels considerable doubt as to whether your honoured country will, with unreserved loyalty, meet her views.
When I reflect upon the political situation, it appears to me that England and America are to far off to have any other objects than commercial intercourse, and do not seek to extend their territory. Russia, on the other hand, straddles across three continents, and her territory is conterminous with ours on the north and west. She is always occupied in thinking of appropriation and annexing. Both your honourable country’s shores and those of Japan are washed by the Eastern Sea, and the Russian men-of-war are always hovering about on the look out for an opportunity, which they will eventually discover. The State of things is like that when Yü and Kwoh were preparing to defend themselves against Chin, or when the Han and Wei were afraid of Tsin.
I hear that when Japan was desirous of opening a port at Uon-Sam, in the province of Ham-gyang-do, in your honourable country, The Russians secretly tried to dissuade them, fearing lest, if they should eventually go to war (with Corea), the Japanese commerce there would prove an obstacle to their designs, and that, when the English sought to induce Japan to obtain for them permission to trade, the Russians again persuaded her to do nothing. If this be true, then the Russians wish to isolate your honourable country and deprive it of succour, and, if at any time an opportunity should occur, then they would be quite free, and there would be nothing to hinder their doing as they like. Such are their plans, and it becomes necessary, therefore, to make secret preparations for defence.
In ancient times, after the defeat of the Sovereign of Chu at Hu-ting, he entertained profound enmity toward Wu, but Chu-ko persuaded him to make peace with the Wu in order to subdue the Wei, which is held to have been a sagacious policy. Tê Tsung, of the T'ang dynasty, had long hated the Husi-hoh, but Li Yeh persuaded him to overcome that feeling, and to enter into a Treaty with them, on which the power of the barbarians immediately decayed. Such examples of great men, called by heaven to direct affairs, disregarding trifling matters in order to carry out a wise policy, are frequent in history.
I hear that Russia has lately made peace with Turkey, and affairs in the West being thus settled, she is now turning her attention to her Eastern schemes. Your Excellency is accustomed to devot[ing] yourself to the conduct of your national policy, and your measures are always well considered. Now is the time to take precautions against the coming storm. I look upon Corea as a wall to China, and the two countries are united by mutual obligation and trust, so that I feel myself compelled to confide to you my inmost thoughts. Of course, I am quite ignorant of plans of your Government and of the state of its foreign relations. I have the honour to be Viceroy of the Home Provinces, but am ashamed at my own incompetence to fill the post. Fortunately, the weather has been very seasonable throughout the summer, and there are prospects of an abundant harvest both here and in the north generally, so that the people feel like a withered tree restored by cooling breezes.
I take this opportunity of offering you some trifling objects, to the number of sixteen, in return for your kindness. Our boundaries are far distant from each other, but I always feel great interest in your welfare.
May you have fine weather, and take care of yourself.

With respect, &c.
(Signed) LI HUNG CHANG of Ho-fei.
4th day, 9th moon, 1878

Inclosure 2

Reply of the ex-Prime Minister of Corea to Li Hung-Chang.

(Translation)
When the tribute-bearing Envoy visited China in the 10th moon of this year, he must have briefly inquired after your Excellency’s health. I had addressed you by way of Yung-pin Fu, and now have had the honour to receive your instructions dated the 4th day of the 9th moon of the present year, in reply to my letter. I learn from it that your Excellency preserves his health, and I have received the various articles you have deigned to bestow on me, each of which is gloriously bright, and there is not a corner of my heart which does not feel intensely grateful.
How could I have hoped that your calculations with regard to foreign affairs would extend beyond the seas and to my own remote country, or that you would have drawn examples from the remote periods of Han and T'ang to illustrate the present circumstances with regard to Europe and Japan. You put things so lucidly explanations are at once understood. Being in a position of dependence, these things engrave themselves on my heart, and I shall never forget them.
The English, on the pretext of thanking us for kindness shown to rescued shipwrecked people, came lately to Tong-ne, and asked to see the officials.
The Russians have been continually decoying away the inhabitants of our northern frontier, and we find it impossible to prevent this.
The Japanese are not on bad terms with us, but they are very uncertain-tempered. They send us cannon and books, and they generally speak the truth, but as soon as anything goes a little contrary to their wishes, they easily get up a complication. The other way after we had liberated the European teacher, in consequence of a despatch from the Tsung-li Yamên, the Japanese wrote to us on the same subject, to which we answered that by the instructions of the “Superior Country” we had already released him. Then we received a letter from Hanabusa, in which he spoke so rudely about the words “Superior Country” being elevated above the line in our note to him, that we were extremely surprised and disgusted. The whole world is well aware that my little country is subject to the Superior Country. In 1876, when your Excellency administered a rebuff to Mori Arimori, the latter learnt that my small country receives the calendar (from China), so that how can they pretend to be ignorant of the connection between us, and use such language as Hanbusa? Then he used such violent language about Tôkuôn that it was impossible to get along with him; but we brought him to reason eventually, and remonstrated against his obstinacy. We have written a despatch (to the Chinese Government), and I humbly suppose that your Excellency must have seen it. I could not make out what was their special object in insisting upon Uon-san in Tk-uon, but by the letter which your Excellency has been so good as to send to me, I have at last understood. The question is therefore at present under discussion. In fact, but for the details communicated by you, I should have been quite in the dark about Russian, European, and Japanese questions. Whatever people may come to complain to you, no matter whence, or about what, pray deign to favour us by keeping them quiet. This is not the prayer of my humble self alone, but the whole country with one voice implores.
Since the opening of the port Tong-nê, this is the first year that we have imposed duties on the inhabitants, in consequence of which their Envoy, Hanbusa Yoshikata, came to Tong-nê, and protested that the due time had not yet come, and his threatening voice resounded everywhere. But as this was a thing [in] which strictness could be relaxed, we deferred the term and both parties retired. The letter he wrote on that occasion was very rude, and spoke of indemnities for commercial losses. I do not know what is going to happen next spring.
I take advantage of the departure of our Ambassador to entrust this to Governor Yü for transmission. My sentiments towards your Excellency are too profound for expression, but I tremble myriad-fold at the myriad-fold discourtesies of which I am guilty. Incomplete, but respectfully presented.

10th moon, 27th day, 1878

Inclosure 3

Second reply of Li Hung-Chang to the ex-Prime Minister of Corea.

(Translation)
LAST year, in the beginning of the 9th month, I sent a reply to my revered elder brother, Hüh-shan, his Excellency the Grand Preceptor, in which I briefly exposed the thoughts that had occupied my mind. I hear that it was first safely delivered in the middle of the 10th moon.
From your benevolent letter of the 25th of the 10th moon, forwarded through Prefect Yü, of Yung-ping, I learn that my previous letter had not yet reached you. I have received fifteen articles as gifts from you, precious friends from afar off; and, though I have not yet been able duly to reciprocate, I humbly and respectfully thank you for them. The portrait of my humble self in the Koh-wu Che-chi Pien has been copied so frequently that it has lost all its truth. Your flattering commendations are more than it deserves, and only serve to make me feel more ashamed of it. I have here a small portrait taken from the life, which I beg to offer you, to take the place of a personal meeting.
As the year is just beginning, I hope that your meritorious record is continually increasing, that you may have much happiness, and render diligent aid to your Prince, give ease to the people and protect your boundaries. Last year your honourable country suddenly was thrown into mourning, and the ceremony of conferring a title took place-an auspicious and inauspicious celebration thus coming close together.
I can imagine that your Excellency, directing public business and sedulously attending to the funeral, must have been overwhelmed with labour.
When the French missionary entered your boundaries, and your honourable country arrested and imprisoned him because he taught a different doctrine, our Tsung-li Yamên, fearing lest the French should make trouble about it, purposely sent in haste to counsel his reease [release], purely with the object of avoiding a complication. The French Envoy was extremely pleased, and there is nothing more to fear. Of course, foreign missionaries declare that their object is to persuade man to be better, but your honourable country reveres the genuine doctrine; and if any heresy starts up, you strictly and legally seize the persons and enforce order, which is undoubtedly in accordance with right reason and entirely justifiable. But the foreigners make use of the protest that the missionaries have been maltreated, and, therefore, if a case of this kind should occur again, you had better send the person, out of the country, and certainly not to readily visit him with cruel treatment, by which course you will prevent foreign complications.
I lately received a letter from sub-Expositor Ho, our Minister in Japan, telling me that an English merchant-ship, having been driven by continuous gales ashore at Chyon-’iu, in your honourable country’s Island of Choi-jyu (Quelpart), the local officials and inhabitants rendered assistance to the crew in danger of drowning and saved the cargo, which was on the point of being engulphed; that the shipwrecked mariners were provided with food and lodgings, for which all payment was refused, and the English Minister, Par Hali (Sir Harry Parkes), sent an officer to return thanks, who also was very courteously treated by your honourable country, and their panegyrics continue even yet. So you see that Occidental nations honour and understand kindness and ties of obligations, and are not altogether incapable of being amenable to reason and reformed by virtue.
He says the Japanese having sent to make surveys and open a port, your honourable country said it was not convenient to do so, because the place was close to the Temple of the founder of your country and the tombs of your kings. If you oppose them with correct language they will give way.
I hear that, in consequence of duties having been levied at Tong-nai (i.e, Fusankai), the Japanese merchants do not care to trade there, and that, owing to the disturbance, Japan was going to send a man-of-war to the spot to discuss the question. Sub-Expositor Ho, anxious that no trouble should arise, went to the ministry of Foreign Affairs and suggested a peaceful solution. I also dispatched a letter, instructing him to arrange the affair, and I imagine that you must have heard of the affair. Have there been any further trouble or not?
The Japanese are by natural disposition vainglorious and fond of novelty although they sometimes say that they profoundly comprehend the great policy, and desire to get your honourable country to play the part of lips to their teeth, and to join them in repelling a powerful foe (Russia) whenever they think their petty interests are involved, they cannot control their anxiety, and make a great outcry.
Your honourable country’s policy towards them should be to lean on reason, observe good faith, and take your stand upon the Treaty, but also be sedulous in regulating your internal affairs and watching over your own safety, so as to give no one an opportunity to take advantage of you.
The Japanese of late have taken to imitate the Europeans in everything, including what is quoted as “International Law,” so that they cannot, without provocation, seize on the territory of another. If you keep on good terms with them, they cannot transgress the limits of the law or venture to carry out their plans further than commercial intercourse goes.
I am an old block of stone as ever, and ashamed of my uselessness, but by good luck the harvest has turned out well, and the army and people are tranquil, which enables me in a slight degree to requite the Imperial favours. At present foreign affairs occupy much of my attention, and the times are troubled.
Your Excellency has great experience of affairs, and is much beloved by the people; you direct the great policy of your country, and, enjoying your Prince’s favour, are permitted to go backwards and forwards to your country seat. Henceforth take care of your health and prolong your life, and continue to give loyal counsels, but pray do not continue in your previous resolution.
Feeling the greatest respect and affection for you I had intended to send some trifling articles in return for your great kindness, but the tribute-bearing Envoy's departure is so close at hand, that I cannot get them ready in time. Permit me to forward them on a future occasion. I beg to inquire again after your welfare. This letter is insufficient to say all I feel.

(Signed) LI HUNG-CHANG of Ho-féi
22nd day of the 1st moon, 1879

Inclosure 4

Memorandum

ACCORDING to the present constitution of Corea, the Government is carried on in the name of the King by a Prime Minister and two colleagues of almost equal rank, next to whom are the Presidents of the six Boards, an institution borrowed from China. But the power is not really wielded by those who are its nominal depositories, and the influence of the King’s relations generally overrides the authority of the Ministers.
At the present moment the Prime Minister (Riyong-ui-chyong) is Ri Ch'oiung, uncle of the King, but his authority is weak in comparison with that of Min T'ai-ko, ex-President of the Board of Ceremonies, and uncle of the Queen, who in her turn rules the King.
The reigning King is not the son of his predecessor. When the late King died at the early age of 37, the mother of the last King but one managed to obtain possession of the Royal Seal, and was thus enabled to nominate a successor of her own choice. This was in 1864, and the King being only 11 years old at the time, the power naturally fell into the hands of his real father, Tai-won-Kun, who maintained his authority almost unimpaired during a period of about ten years, in spite of various unpopular act. In the meantime, however, the King grew up to man's estate, and had married the daughter of Min-Sung-ho, a lady one year his own senior, who appears to possess great influence over him.
In 1874 the residence of Min-Sung-ho was destroyed by fire, and he himself perished in the flames. It was supposed that the King’s father, fearing his rising influence, caused his rival's dwelling to be set on fire with the object of compassing his death, and from that moment the King, urged by his wife to take the reins into his own hands, forbade his Ministers to consult any more with his father, who, finding himself entirely deserted, retired into private life, and his place was taken by the brother of his rival, uncle of the Queen.
When this change was made, a rumour found its way abroad that the Government had adopted a more liberal policy towards the Christians, and was more favourably inclined toward foreign countries than hitherto owing to the fact of the fallen statesman having held extreme anti-foreign views, but subsequent events have shown that there was little ground for this sanguine belief. There is very little chance, as long as the persons who succeeded to the power in 1874 continue to hold it, of overtures from foreign Powers for the conclusion of Treaties being listened to, and the only hope of the Corea’s being brought out of her seclusion lies in that fact that some of the younger men are beginning to take an interest in what goes on beyond their own borders, and to desire to enter into relations with foreign Powers. Perhaps the letter of Li Hung-Chang to the predecessor of the present Prime Minister, in which he urges upon Corea the necessity of cultivating the friendship of Foreign Powers in order to maintain her independence, may have contributed to promote these ideas. But there seems, at any rate, no doubt that there exists a progressive party headed by young men of rank who are desirous of reforming the present oppressive system of government, and of developing the resources of the country with the aid of skilled knowledge from foreign countries. Amongst them the most prominent are the son (aged 23) of the present Prime Minister and the son-in-law of the late King, Pak Yong-hyo (aged 20), and even some high officials belonging to the six Boards, such as Chyo Syong-ha, President of the Board of Civil office (aged 38 years), and Kim Ok-Kyun (aged 29 years), nephew of the elder Queen-Dowager, who occupies a high position in the University.
Hitherto Corea has had intercourse with two Asiatic Powers alone, China and Japan. In spite of the numerous attempts made by the Mongols, Manchus, and Japanese to conquer her, she has always contrived to recover her liberty. In the end of the sixteenth century she was overrun by the armies of the famous Japanese soldier of fortune known to us as Taikosama, but eventually, with the aid of the Chinese, freed herself from the invader. The wrongs inflicted during that unprovoked war have never been forgiven by the Coreans, who only submitted to conclude a Treaty of Commerce with Japan because they felt they were not strong enough to resist.
In the seventeenth century Corea was again conquered by the Manchus, who made a sudden raid upon the capital, and seizing the Queen and her son, forced the King to accede to their demands. Corea has ever since acknowledged the suzerainty of China, although it does not appear to be known what were the conditions upon which she retained her autonomy.
Of Western Powers the Coreans know little, and that little is scarcely of a kind to inspire friendly feeling. They dislike France more than any other nation on account of the troubles caused by French missionary enterprize, and also because they consider themselves to be still at war with her, no further communications having passed between the two countries since the failure of the French expedition in 1866.
They also look upon the United States as their enemy, and it is almost certain that any persistent attempts on the part of American Agents to enter into relations would give rise to renewed hostilities.
Russia is disliked on account of the insidious manner in which she seduces Corean subjects across the border into Manchuria, and also because it is feared that she designs to annex the peninsula whenever a favourable opportunity may offer.
Of Austria, Germany, Italy, and the other Powers who have Treaties with China and Japan, they are absolutely ignorant.
Great Britain alone is the Power toward which they at any rate do not entertain feelings of aversion. She has never made any attempt to force commercial relations upon them, and has always steadily declined to interfere with them in any way. The only occasions on which they have come into contact with Englishmen have been when British vessels have been wrecked on the Corean coast, and British officials have been sent to return thanks for the kind treatment experienced by the shipwrecked crews. That a good effect has been produced by such little courtesies cannot be doubted, but at the same time there is no probability that an Envoy would be received by the present Corean Government unless accompanied by a force sufficient to overwhelm resistance.

(Signed) E. SATOW
July 26, 1880