Confidential
No. 165
Nagasaki,
December 6, 1875

I have the honor to forward translations of a memorial by the Councillor Kido Takayoshi on the subject of the relations of Japan with Corea, as I believe that this memorial has had weight with the Government, and that they are shaping their policy in accordance with its suggestions.
Kido thinks that the attack on the “Unyôkan” cannot be passed over, that Japanese forbearance in respect to Corea has reached its limits, and that it is useless for Japan to continue her long-protracted endeavours to bring the Coreans to reason by friendly persuasion. That which using this language, in deference perhaps to a feeling of resentment which is doubtless widely entertained in Japan against Corea, he counsels caution in the course to be adopted. China is first to be communicated with, and the nature of her relations with Corea to be ascertained beyond doubt. If Corea is claimed by China as a dependency, then satisfaction for the attack on the “Unyôkan” is to be asked from China, but if the latter admits that the Japanese are free to deal with Corea themselves, then a further attempt to adjust relations by means of direct negotiation with Corea should precede recourse to coercive measures, and even if war should be ultimately decided on, it need not be engaged in on the spur of the moment but only after the expense and the proposed operations have been well considered, and a favorable opportunity secured.
I notice that this policy is partially re-echoed in the enclosed article from the “Akebono Shimbun,” a native newspaper which has hitherto been the loudest in its advocacy of war with Corea. This article observes that the lesson taught Japan by the Formosa affair should not be forgotten, and that a distinct understanding should be arrived at, in writing with China as to her relations with Corea before hostilities are engaged in.
With a view probably to obtain the desired explanations from China Mr. Arinori Mori, the late Representative of Japan in the United States, has been appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to China. He left Yedo for Peking at the close of last month, but I observed, when at Hiôgo on the 29th ultimo that the despatch-vessel in which he is travelling had been disabled by an accident, and his arrival at his destination may therefore be delayed.
Before leaving Yedo on the 12th ultimo I had an opportunity of conversing on the subject of Corea with Mr. Moriyama, the Japanese Agent, who had just returned. He considers that the Japanese Gov’t have grave cause for complaint against Corea, not only for the attack on the “Unyôkan”, but for the breach of the agreement made with him last year. Corea then undertook to enter into regular communication with Japan, and chose the first of the following three courses which had been proposed by Japan. 1stly to receive a letter from the foreign minister. 2ndly to receive a letter from the ex-prince of Tsushima, who is attached to the foreign office. 3rdly to send a Corean Mission to Japan. But when Moriyama presented himself in Corea last spring as bearer of the despatch from the Foreign Minister, the Corean authorities refused to receive it, because he would have appeared at the interview in a uniform of foreign fashion. This question of dress, he observed to me, was of course used as a mere pretext for not taking delivery of the despatch, and for avoiding fulfillment of the agreement as to the mode of conducting official communications in future.
Mr. Moriyama has been engaged for about seven years in fruitless endeavours to persuade the Coreans to adopt improved relations with Japan, and it is perhaps not surprising after the annoyance to which he has been subjected, that he should now urge his Government to adopt a more strenuous policy. He says that no one in Corea dare openly advocate the establishment of intercourse with the outer world. When it is forced upon them they will accept it―perhaps without much difficulty―but they will never grant it as a voluntary concession. He describes the government of the country as most despotic, and the condition of the people generally as very miserable and poor. Foreign Commerce, Mr. Moriyama observed, is essential not only to the improvement of Corea, but also to the maintenance of her integrity, and he assured me that the aim of his government was the establishment of commercial relations, not conquest, and that the maintenance of the interdependence of Corea was considered of the first importance to Japan. I have already reported to Your Lordship that the Vice Prime Minister, Iwakura, has made similar observations to me as to the desire of Japan to see Corea maintain her position as an independent state.
The present condition of affairs as between Japan and Corea suggests the ensuing whether the Powers who have large interests in China and Japan might not unite in an endeavour to persuade Corea to accept foreign intercourse. Her present anomalous position is one that cannot long be maintained, and she might be more inclined to listen to the advice, or remonstrances, of several powers, than to the demands of one alone. If left to herself, a collision with Japan, or possibly with some other foreign power to whom she may offer insult, or wrong, is only a question of time. The favorable opportunity for hostilities to which the Councillor Kido refers, may be brought about by the internal condition of Japan, or by any other accident. If the recent discussions between Her Majesty’s Government and China had resulted in war, I do not doubt that Japan would have taken advantage of the opportunity to attack Corea, and the Russian Commandant at Possiette made to Captain Church, (whose report I forwarded to Your Lordship in my confidential despatch No. 147 of October 18th), the following observation: “what keeps us from going to Port Lazareff (in Corea) is our emperor’s desire not to become bad friends with England.” The reports both of Captain Coloumb and Captain Church show that the Russian settlements on the Manchurian coast are by no means permanently formed, and that removal to other points might at time be undertaken.

I have the honor to be,
with the highest respect, My Lord,
Your Lordship’s most Obedient, Humble Servant,
Harry S Parkes